Reticulação em Moreno (1934)

MORENO, Jacob L. 1934. Who shall survive? A new approach to the problem of human interrelations. Washington, D.C.: Nervous and Mental Disease Publishing Co.


[W]e began to speculate over the possibility of a therapeutic procedure which does not center primarily in the idea of sublimation [como a religião e a psicoterapia] but which leaves man in the state in which he is spontaneously inclined to be and to join the groups he is spontaneously inclined to join, which does not appeal to man either through suggestion or through confessional analysis but which encourages him to stay on the level towards which he naturally tends, which does not forcibly transgress the development of individuals and groups beyond their spon­taneous striving as has often been attempted by sublimating agencies. We were developing a therapeutic procedure which leaves the individuals on an unsublimated level, that is on a level which is as near as possible to the level of their natural growth and as free as possible from indoctrination. It is based upon the affinities among them and the patterns resulting from their spontaneous interactions. The patterns are used as a guide in the classification, the construction, and, when necessary, for the reconstruction of groupings. (Moreno 1934:5)


First, every individual is included as a center of emotional response. Second, this is not an academic reaction. The individual is caught by an emotional interest for a certain practical end he wishes to realize and upon his knowledge that the tester has the authority to put this into practice. Third, the choice is always related to a definite criterion.” (Moreno 1934:14)


The problem was to construct the test in such manner that it is itself a motive, an incentive, a purpose, primarily for the subject instead of for the tester. If the test procedure is iden­tical with a life-goal of the subject he can never feel himself to have been victimized or abused. Yet the same series of acts performed of the subject’s own volition may be a ” test ” in the mind of the tester. We have developed two tests in which the subject is in action for his own ends. One is the sociometric test. From the point of view of the subject this is not a test at all and this is as it should be. It is merely an opportunity for him to become an active agent in matters concerning his life situation. But to the sociometric tester it reveals his actual position in the community in relation to the actual position of others. The second test meeting this demand is the Spontaneity Test. Here in a standard life situation the subject improvises to his own satisfaction. But to the tester it releases a source of information in respect to the character, intelligence, conduct, and psychological position of the subject. (Moreno 1934:14-5)

[A] sociometric test to be accurate has not to gain the necessary information through observation of these individuals only, how they appear to behave in their home groups, work groups, or whatever, to one another and to construct, through these observations, the position they possibly have in their groups. But it is neces­ sary that the subjects themselves be taken into partnership, that they become sufficiently interested in the test, that they transfer to the tester their spontaneous attitudes, thoughts, and motivations in respect to the individuals concerned in the same criterion. (Moreno 1934:16)

Our method was, after the desires of each individual in the community in respect to its different objectives were disclosed, to aid them in reflecting their actions so that they might be able to attain their goals themselves. It was a theory of the subjects’ own actions in development rather than a theory of our own which we sought to prove. The motivations which we collected were the reflections in their own minds concerning their wishes. (Moreno 1934:165)

It is our experience that it is easy to gain the cooperation of the people tested as soon as they come to think of the test as an instrument to bring their wills to a wider realization, that it is not only an instrument for exploring the status of a population but primarily an instrument to bring the population to a collective self-expression in respect to the fundamental activities in which it is or is about to be involved. (Moreno 1934:342)


The main lines of development may be summarized as follows: a stage of organic isolation from birth on, a group of isolated indi­viduals each fully self-absorbed; a stage of horizontal differentiation of structure from about 20-28 weeks on, the babies begin to react towards each other, the factor of physical proximity and physical distance making respectively for psychological proximity or psychological distance, the “acquaintance” beginning with neighbors first, a horizontal differentiation of structure; a stage of vertical differentiation of structure from about 40-42 weeks on, one or another infant commands disproportionate attention shifting the distribution of emotion within the group from the horizontal to a vertical differentiation of structure, the group which had been up to this point equally “levelled,” develops more prominent and less prominent members, a ” top ” and a ” bottom.” No one stage appears to function exclusively at any one level: there appears to be a ” hangover.” This phenomenon seems to account largely for the growing complexity of organization which one meets with at the higher chronological age levels. (Moreno 1934:23-4)

The effect which the maturing sociability of individuals has upon the structure and differentiation of groups and what influence this organization once established exerts in return upon them have led us to distinguish the following periods : […] Up to 7-9 years : Pre-Socialized period […] 7-9 years to 13-14 years: First Socialized Period […] 13-14 years on: Second Socialized Period[.] (Moreno 1934:58)

The fundamental mark in the process of socialization ap­ pears to be reached at 7-9 years. This does not mean that this process is finished at that age but that children reach at that age the point when they can form and direct a society. The next mark in the process of socialization is the age of 13-15 years, when the sexual development begins to reflect upon it. A third mark is 16-17 years, when the limit of mental development begins to reflect upon it. (Moreno 1934:64)

LEI SOCIOGENÉTICA (ontogênese repete filogênese)

If children were given the freedom to use their spontaneous groups as permanent associations, as children-societies, then similarities in structure and conduct with primitive human societies become apparent. […] It is well known that primitive family association regulated more functions than does the modern family. Within its organization the function of education and labor as well as numerous other objectives were executed. Children societies might give us an indication how primitive societies would develop if we could recapitulate them today. (Moreno 1934:65-6)

Our findings suggest the notion that group organization is in its ontogenetic development to a great extent an epitome of the form-modifications which successive ancestral societies of the species underwent in the course of their historic evolution. This view is supported by: […] (a) Spontaneous organizations of grouping among children and adolescents develop year by year from simple to more complex stages of integration. […] (b) These groups reveal that a remainder of lower organ­ ization can always be traced in the next higher stage and that indicators of a beginning towards higher organization can be traced in the next lower stage. […] (c) Similarities have been noted between spontaneous group organizations among classes of children in the early grades and spontaneous group organizations among mentally retarded adolescents. […] (d) Similarities of tendencies in social organization are suggested cetween children societies and those of primitives. (Moreno 1934:66)


The “emotional currents” radiating from the white and colored girls […] have to be ascertained in detail, their causes determined, and their effects estimated. […] Such psychological currents flow finally between officers and inmates and within the group of officers themselves in its sum total affecting and shaping the character and the conduct of each person and of each group in the community. (Moreno 1934:70)


(Moreno 1934:73-4)


(Moreno 1934:74-5)

ELÉTRONS, ÁTOMOS E PESSOAS (causalidade hipotética e organização fatual; indivíduo e coletivo)

Electrons have the same weight and quantity of electricity when they are alone, but if they are attached together to make up an atom they begin to exhibit individuality. Similarly with men. If they are attached together to make up a group they begin to exhibit individual “differences” which did not seem to exist before. […] It is one thing to ask what causes brought about these dif­ferences and the forming of a group. This question has been asked and many answers offered. But it is another thing to ask how is a group or a society organized. The former ques­tion is hypothetic and deals with causes; the latter is descrip­tive and analytical and deals with facts. […] The sociometric approach of group organization is free from preconception of the contrast between individualism and collectives or corporate bodies. It takes the attitude that beyond this contrast there is a common plane, as no individual is entirely unrelated to some other individuals and no individual is entirely absorbed by a collective. (Moreno 1934:96)

Personality structure and the inter-personal environment are parts of one and the same organization, the social atom. Inter-personal environ­ment is not merely a chance factor. There are a limited num­ber only of inter-personal structures probable for an individual, just as there are a limited number only of probable develop­ments of the individual organism. The individual instinc­tively gravitates within the united field towards relations in which he is best able to attain and to maintain balance. (Moreno 1934:193)


The distribution of power in large groups depends upon the intricate distribution of emotional currents. An individual who is in control and can steer the course of one of these currents can wield an immense potential influence out of all proportion to his imme­diate following. (Moreno 1934:100)


On the basis of the ratios of interest for their own and for outside groups, of the distribution of attraction and repulsion within a group and towards outside groups, of the ratio of attraction a group has for other groups, and other statistical calculations, a social quotient of a group can be developed. (Moreno 1934:103)

EROS (amor), ERIS (discórdia) e ANTEROS (atração mútua)

(Moreno 1934:103)


Typical Structures in Groups, I. […] 1. Red Pair. Two individuals form a mutual attraction, a red pair. […] 2. Black Pair. Two individuals reject each other; they mutually desire to live apart. […] 3. Incompatible Pair. Two individuals are not compatible. One sends a red line which is answered by a black ; one sends a red line which is answered to by a dotted line; two indi­viduals send dotted lines to each other. […] 4. Black Chain. This structure is formed if two individuals mutually reject each other, and one of them forms a mutual rejection with a third, the third forming a mutual rejection with a fourth, the fourth with a fifth, etc. The incompatible chain mirrors the number of persons in a group who are sensi­tized to find fault with others; the longer the black chain the more are they so sensitized. The emotional attitude of those who enter into a black chain is in danger of becoming more and more absorbed by critical, suspicious, and hostile interests, especially if they are isolated in the group. The newcomer into a group, particularly into the groups which have a highly disintegrated organization, develops often a reputation which is unmerited and reflects the interrelation with a group which is itself maladjusted. […] 5. Red Chain. This structure results when two are mutu­ally attracted and one of them forms a mutual attraction with a third, the third forming a mutual attraction with a fourth, the fourth with a fifth, etc. The compatible chain represents within the group an uninterrupted flow of emotional trans­ference. It is the natural route for indirect imitation, sug­gestion, gossip, and is influential in the forming of group attitudes. It is the social telephone wire. […] 6. Black Triangle. Three individuals incompatible with each other form a black triangle. This structure accompanies at times widely different conduct. In one instance, the black lines each of the three sent to the other two persons were found to be due largely to jealousy and protest against the other two, as each sought to dominate the group unrestricted and single-handed. […] 7. Red Triangle. Three individuals compatible with each other form through mutual attraction a. red triangle. […] 8. Black Square. A black square (and also a. black circle) are structures which are so rare that we have not encountered any in this research. This is probably due to their being reflections of such concentrated rejection that the situation in the group in which they develop has to be relieved soon after they come into formation. […] 9. Red Square. Four individuals who are mutually at­ tracted to at least two of the four form a. red square. Every closed structure as this has to be looked upon suspiciously as it may signify the beginning of a gang cut off from the larger group.  But when the four persons are interrelated by attrac­ tions to others in the group, it is an upshoot of a superstruc­ ture well integrated into the organization of the group. […] 10. Red Circle. A red circle is formed similarly as a red chain except that in addition the structure is closed. In this particular circle presented in the chart eleven girls contribute to its formation. […] 11. Red Star. This structure is formed if 5 or more indi­viduals are attracted to the same individual; the latter is the center of the red star. Many such structures can be noted in the sociograms. […] 12. Black Star. This structure is formed if 5 or more indi­viduals are rejecting the same individual; the latter is the center of the black star. Many such structures can be noted in the sociograms. […] 13. Red Star rejecting the Group. This structure is formed if the center of the red star rejects the majority of those who are attracted to her. (Moreno 1934:104-5)


Typical Structures in Groups. Eight Structures of Isolation. […] 1. Simple Isolation. This structure represents isolation of an individual not only within her own group but within the community. The individual is not rejected and does not reject. No one is anxious to live with her and she in turn does not care with whom she lives. It is a structure of simple isolation. […] 2. In the second type of isolation represented, the individual chooses individuals outside her group but is not chosen by them or by individuals within her group. […] 3. In the third type of isolation represented, the individual is chosen by individuals outside her group but herself chooses individuals other than those who choose her. She neither chooses nor is she chosen within her group. […] 4. In the fourth type of isolation represented, the individual chooses only individuals within her group but these individuals are indifferent to her. […] 5. Isolated Triangle. In the fifth type of isolation repre­ sented, the three individuals form a mutually compatible tri­ angle but each of the three individuals receive black lines from the group. It is a structure of an isolated and rejected triangle. […] 6. In the sixth type of isolation represented, five individuals each isolated and rejected in her group rejects one or another of these five. This structure, it was found, developed from a rejected gang which was breaking up. […] 7. Isolated Pair. Two individuals form a mutually com­ patible pair but both of them are unchosen. In this instance, one of the pair rejects the group and the other is attracted by members within it. […] 8. Isolated, Rejected and Rejecting. The individual is not only unchosen but rejected and she in return rejects the group. (Moreno 1934:105-6)


No other social institution is more responsible for man’s sociability and the shaping of his emotional expansiveness than the family. The plasticity of the newborn infant is probably far larger than that of the adult man, perhaps poten­tially infinite. Not only the quality but perhaps also the quantity, the expansiveness, of emotional interest has been molded by the family group. A family being a group of few persons forces the growing child to limit his attention to the development of few relationships, to parents and to siblings. His thirst to expand is thus early cut and channeled ; he gets used to being content with a small number of relations. When growing up he feels that he cannot absorb more than a small number of relations. Indeed, the quantum of his active acquaintances will rarely rise or fall above or below the aver­ age. If he makes a number of new friends or enemies an equal number of former friends or enemies will fade out of his attention. He cannot hold beyond a certain limit, it seems, to keep a balance. (Moreno 1934:134-5)

Emotional expansiveness is subjectible to training. Of course, no individual can be thrown beyond what appears to be his organic limit. (Moreno 1934:136)


When Democrites developed the theory of the atom he opened up the modern conception of the physical universe. To claim the atom as the smallest living particle of which the universe consists he had to close his eyes to the actual configurations of matter and claim impudently that they are composed of other infinitely small units, themselves indivis­ible, the atoms. Perhaps in an approach of the social universe we can learn from Democrites and close our eyes to the actual configurations social ” matter ” presents to us: families, fac­tories, schools, nations, etc. Perhaps a mind not distracted by the gross facts in society will be able to discover the smallest living social unit, itself not further divisible, the social atom. (Moreno 1934:141)

How was he [o leitor de um conjunto de livros] to reach the individuals of these groups [grupos de leitores desses livros]? He couldn’t approach them directly as he didn’t know who they were. Yet he was bound to them all and to each separately, a living psychological circle of relations in respect to the same criterion, the book they have read. This circle, changing in size and duration, may have numbered at times millions of participants. It was an organism with a certain psychological unity. All individ­uals outside this circle, however intimately they may have associated otherwise to the reader, were of necessity excluded from this specific participation. This nucleus of persons in respect to being in proximity with the same thing, a book, can be called a social atom. (Moreno 1934:142)

Just as the physical atom, also the social atom, has no visible out­ line on the surface of things. It must be uncovered. Through the sociometric test a method for the discovery of the social atom was won. (Moreno 1934:143)

This constellation of forces, attractions and repulsions, whatever the motives of them may be, in which persons […] are involved in respect to a definite criterion[,] we call a social atom (Moreno 1934:143-4)

the smallest living unit of social matter we can comprehend (Moreno 1934:162)

O PROFESSOR, O ESTUDANTE E O LIVRO (processos de associação)

In a pre-book age no technological process interfered with the immediate contact between teacher and disciple. We see him the center individual forming with a number of other individuals a social atom based on the cri­terion of leaming together. The appearance of the book has brought about a cultural situation in which the simple teacher-follower group became further differentiated into the author­-book-reader group. But just as the book as a criterion forces a number of persons into an aggregation, other needs must tend to form similar aggregations. (Moreno 1934:142)


If more than one person is necessary to realize and satisfy human desires a social situation develops, a social relation, a social need. […] A person needs a number of other persons to accomplish his ends and a number of other persons need him to help them accomplish their ends. The problem would have a simple solution, then, if all the persons concerned mutually reciprocated. But they do not unanimously “click.” One would like to live with this person but this person is attracted to somebody else. One wants to work with this person but this person rejects him. And so forth. Men differ in the amount of interest they have and in the amount of attention they receive. A mass of emotions, attrac­tions and repulsions result going into every possible direction and from every possible direction, sometimes meeting each other, often crossing and running apart from each other. (Moreno 1934:143)


The classification of the social atom illustrates in a dramatic fashion that we live in an ambiguous world, half real and half fiction; that we do not live with persons with whom fre­quently we would like to live; that we work with persons who are not chosen by us; and that we make love to persons whom we do not love; that we isolate and reject persons whom we need most, and that we throw our lives away for people and principles which are not worthy. The atom concept gives us an opportunity to bring the immense complexity of forms within the social universe under one common denominator. […] Perhaps because we are enmeshed ourselves in this network, it has been so hard to break the door to the actual world beneath, to recognize the human universe in all its forms as a summation, interpenetration and dynamic multiplication of social atoms. (Moreno 1934:146)

FISIOLOGIA SOCIAL (comunicação oral e sexualidade como efeito “tele”)

In the Stegreif experiment we could observe that some individuals have for each other a certain sensitivity as if they were chained together by a common soul. When they warm up to a state, they “click.” It often was not the language symbol which stimulated them. When the analysis of each individual apart from the other failed to give up an adequate clue for this “affinity,” we could not avoid considering the possibility of a “social” physiology, – internal tensional maladjustments which corresponding organs in different individuals bring into adjustment. At a certain point man emancipated himself from the animal not only as a species but also as a society. And it is within this society that the most important “social” organs of man develop. The degree of attraction and repulsion from one person towards others suggests a point of view from which an interpretation can be given to the evolution of social organs. One example is the functional relation between the two sexes; another example is the functioning of speech. The sexual organization of man is divided functionally be­ tween two different individuals. A correspondence of physio­logical tensions exists to which emotional processes are correlated. The attractions and repulsions, or the derivatives of these, between individuals, can thus be comprehended as surviving reflections, as a distant, a ” tele ” effect of a socio­ physiological mechanism. The origin of speech also cannot be comprehended without the assumption of a socio-physiological basis. Just as we have in the case of sexuality external and internal organs corresponding, we have in the case of communi­cation internal organs corresponding to each other, the brain centers of speech in the one person to the brain centers of hearing in the other person as well as the external organs. Speech of one person shaped the hearing and understanding of speech of the other person, and vice versa, which became another chief stimulant in the development of man’s sociality. It seems to us a valuable working hypothesis to assume that back of all social and psychological interactions between indi­viduals there must once have been and still are two or more reciprocating physiological organs which interact with each other. The principle of bisexuality is only a small part of a wider principle: bisociality. The attractions and repulsions which we find, therefore, oscillating from one individual to the other, however varying the derivatives, as fear, anger, or sympathy, it may be assumed have a socio-physiological basis. […] The innumerable varieties of attractions and repulsions between individuals need a common denominator. A feeling is directed from one individual towards another. It has to be projected into distance. […] [T]o express the simplest unit of feeling transmitted from one individual towards another we use the term tele (Moreno 1934:158-9)


If we imagine a monistic origin of life from a common unit it is hardly believable that the organisms which have derived from this unit and have developed to different kinds and races have broken off entirely the original bonds existent among them. Some remainder, however scant, however rudimentary, however difficult to discover, must still exist. In analogy, the social pattern in its initial stage must have consisted of such an intimate bond of interrelations that at first group reactions predominated and that in the course of evolution the emanci­pation of the individual from the group increased more and more. But the group bond among the individuals never broke off altogether. A remainder of it and perhaps a safeguard in emergency situations persists. Indicators of such a remainder are the persistent recurrence of various structures on various levels of differentiation from a psycho-organic level in which expression of feeling is inarticulate up to a psycho-social level in which expression of feeling is highly articulate. (Moreno 1934:161)

“TELE” como “CORRENTE PSICOLÓGICA” TRANS-INSTITUCIONAL (feeling complex; cf. Moreno 1934:162)

Every individual man functions in a system which is con­fined by two boundaries: the emotional expansiveness of his own personality and the psychological pressure exerted upon him by the population. The psychological variations in popu­lation pressure affect the individual especially during his formative years. […] [The] tendency to reach out and to exchange emotions is stronger than social institutions formed apparently to protect man against the vagaries of his adventurous nature. […] Social expansion […] traces the origin of a ” psychological current.” (Moreno 1934:162)


The first thing we meet in the social atom is that a feeling complex which goes out from a person does not run wildly into space but goes to a certain other person and that the other person does not accept this passively like a robot but responds actively with another feeling complex in return. One tele may become interlocked with another tele, a pair of relations being formed. […] Tele has no social existence by itself. It is an abstraction. It has to be comprehended as a process within a social atom. But it is possible to classify it according to the equation of its social expansion, its social effect. (Moreno 1934:163)


An individ­ual like A, who is as a person comparatively unknown but who exerts through the medium of other individuals a far-reaching effect upon masses of people, is an invisible ruler. The form which the one tele going from the individual A to the indi­vidual B takes can be said to be aristocratic, an aristo-tele. […] Like the inevitability of a pre-conceived plan, the organization unfolds. At first grow out of an indefinite status a horizontal and a vertical differentiation of structure, the development of a ” bottom ” and of a ” top.” Then stage follows stage as gradually the social, sexual, and racial cleavages differentiate it further. […] And it appears that the end-forms towards which the sum total strived is one in which the representatives of the creative function (aristo-tele) come to an inter-functioning with the representatives of the social func­tion, the leaders of the group. (Moreno 1934:163-4)


(Moreno 1934:167)


In the course of studying the effect psychological currents have upon individuals we discovered two other types of moti­ vations: motivations of like or dislike about a person or a number of persons which are based upon direct acquaintance and motivations which are based upon symbolic acquaintance, that is, upon hearsay or mental hallucinations. […] The importance of such symbolic judgments becomes the greater the larger the networks are through which such an opinion can travel. Evidently when upon psychological networks mechan­ical networks are drafted, as the printing press, the radio, etc., the circulation of symbolic judgment may lose every relation­ ship to facts. […] The basis for these developments are the psychological net­ works which pervade populations. Hence the machine and the means of mechanical transmission do not produce – they only multiply a given product. (Moreno 1934:168-9)


Emotional states as anger, fear, or liking, and more complex states as reflection, conviction, or curiosity, are limited real­ities. They do not exist as they appear to the person who is filled with them. They are part of a whole, they belong to the next larger reality, the social atoms. Properly integrated into them individual subjective notions as anger or fear can be described as group subjective notions (Moreno 1934:)


We are present when the relationship is born, at the earliest possible stage in the social relation of the two individuals who meet, and we can develop, if necessary, the treatment forward instead of backward. Our procedure is psychocreative. We begin with the act, the initial attitude one person shows for the other, and follow up to what fate these interrelations lead, what kind of organization they develop. (Moreno 1934:170-1)


The subject is instructed: “Throw yourself into a state of emotion towards X. The emotion may be either anger, fear, sympathy, or dominance. Develop with him any situation you like to produce expressing this particular emotion. Throw yourself into the state with nothing on your mind but the person who is opposite you and think of this person as of the real person you know in everyday life. Also call him by his actual name. Once you have started to produce one of these states, try to maintain that emotion throughout the situation.” The partner receives no instruction except to react as he would in actual life to the attitude expressed towards him by the subject. The two persons are not allowed to consult with each other before they begin to act. (Moreno 1934:177)

(Moreno 1934:)


To act means to warm up to a state of feeling, to an “Impromptu” state. […] Our experimental study of the warming-up process devel­oping to an act led us to the observation of warming-up indi­cators. These are not mental signs only but physiological signs (altered breathing rate, gasping, crying, smiling, clench­ ing the teeth, etc.). The bodily starters of any behavior as acting or speaking on the spur of the moment are accompanied by physiological signs. In the process of warming up these symbols unfold and release simple emotions, as fear, anger, or more complex states. It is not necessary that verbal reactions evolve in the process of warming up. They may or they may not. But the mimic symbols are always present; they are related to underlying physiological processes and to psychological states. […] Warming up indicators have been determined experimentally. The experiment was so conducted that the subject had no intention to produce any specific mental state. It was suggested to him to throw himself into this or that bodily action without thinking what will come out of it. The “start­ing” of these actions was found to be accompanied by a process of “warming up.” We could observe then that if a subject lets go with certain expressions as gasping, accelerating the breathing, etc., without a definite goal, there are neverthe­less developed certain emotional trends. The latter did not seem to be related to one emotion exclusively but rather to a whole group of emotions with similar properties in common. For instance, the following expressions,-clenching teeth and fists, piercing eyes, frowning, energetic movements, shrill voice, hitting, scuffling of feet, holding head high, accelerated breathing, and others, tend to release emotional states as anger, will to dominate, hate, or a vague precursor of these trends of feeling. Another set, accelerated breathing, gasping, trembling, flight, twisting facial muscles, inability to talk, sudden crying out, clasping hands, etc., is developing another trend of feeling, anxiety, fear, despair, or a combination of these. Another set, smiling, laughing, chuckling, widening the eyes, kissing, hugging, etc., is stimulating a condition of happy excitation. […] However undifferentiated the feelings produced may be, it is observable that one set of movements starts one trend of feelings and another set of movements starts another trend, and so on. Each of these three sets of starters appears to operate as a unit. When one set of starters was functioning and the subject was instructed to add a starter belonging exclusively to another opposing set, it was observed that the course of development was so disturbed that the state corre­ lated to the first set was lost or diminished in intensity. For instance, if in the development initiated by the third set of starters mentioned above, the subject is instructed to clinch his teeth, the direction of the production begun is thrown off its course. Bodily movements were found to follow one another in a certain order of succession according to which is the initiating starter. If the succession is interrupted, the temporal order is spoiled and the state of feeling released is confused. […] On this bases [sic] we can diagnose if an emotional state is reached or is in the making. Warming up indicators are the deciding clue as to whether an emotional state is in process of release. Verbal reactions are less reliable as signs that a state is reached or about to be reached. A subject may use apt words with little or no emotion accompanying, but it is practi­cally impossible once an emotion is initiated, to act without being carried away by the trend of feeling produced. All ver­bal and other associations are organically related to the trend of feeling developed.(Moreno 1934:194-5)

The motive in actual life when we warm up to an emotional state is usually another person’s behavior. But in an Impromptu play this motive is missing, the fictitious partner being too weak a substitute. To start the warming up of an emotion, a special effort is needed which is the greater the simpler the emotions, an effort which has to be originated from the bodily mechanism itself. To “fake” these warming up indicators is just as difficult as to eliminate them entirely in presenting simple emotions. (Moreno 1934:196)


When we observe adolescents at play on the grounds we see how three or four are anxiously trying to keep pace with one who is running ahead, one walk­ ing with another arm in arm, two or three scattered, each alone. And if we watched the same group daily, we could ascertain that this arrangement is not accidental, it is repeated at least over a certain period of time in much the same formation until, perhaps, one gets tired of the other and new attachments develop and a new leader comes to the front. (Moreno 1934:197)


Through the sociometric test we were able to determine when children begin to develop their own societies and at what age levels these associations gained such an emotional effect upon their members that their conduct is determined more and more by these influences and less and less by the influences coming from the mixed adult-children groups. It appears that the critical age in the adult-child relation begins around the eighth year and that about this time the child-child rela­tions within children associations become more highly organ­ized and less dependent upon the adult. (Moreno 1934:200)

A FAMÍLIA COMO SOBREPOSIÇÃO DE DOIS GRUPOS (sexual-aliança e monástico-filiação)

The family is a complex social group. It consists of two groupings each with a different criterion. The one grouping, composed of the man and the woman, is a sexual grouping. The relation between the man and woman is the dominant factor. It had been started by the two persons alone and had existed before children came into it. It had been started with­out intention to take additional members into it or at least without knowing whom they might be who would enter into it. The second grouping, composed of the father, the mother, and the children, is a monastic grouping, monastic because the spirit of the monastery prevails in this group. The monastery was a revolt against the first grouping. It cut it away and emulated methodically the other portion of the family. Another revolt against the family structure is the communis­tic attempt to divorce the nurturing of the offspring from their procreators. In this case the group two portion is cut away and the original portion remains. These revolts suggest that the two portions are of different origin and may not always have been together. Group two is probably a further differentiation after a totemistic pattern and it can be assumed that the recognition of consanguinity of father and child aided in melting the two portions into one. (Moreno 1934:201-2)


Every individual gravitates towards a situation which offers him as a personality the highest degree of spontaneous expres­sion and fulfillment and he continuously seeks for companions who are willing to share with him. The psychological home is his goal. […] The continued existence of a home depends upon the interest its members have for each other. Any home to go on success­ fully must have the support of some portion of the group. The only permanent feature, the only invariable in any home structure, is a configuration of relations, a psychological nucleus. The larger the membership of the home group the more important it becomes to determine, from the point of view of its continued existence and of its influence upon the conduct of its members, which members gravitate to persons outside of it. (Moreno 1934:203)


All individuals who have passed through the group, according to their position in it, have left their mark. At any time incoming girls meet with an established organization built not only by the members who are present but by those who have left a surviving effect upon the group organization. They are met as well by what may be called the survival of psychological impressions which predispose the attitude of the group towards them. This phe­nomenon preserves the group against any radical innovations the newcomer may seek to impose suddenly. It is a group’s defense mechanism. Groups which last over a period of years develop a definite character. The organization of any such group will explicitly reveal it and this, in turn, will be very suggestive as to what persons should or should not be assigned to it. […] It has become evident to us that perhaps the chief factor in the growth of group organization is this survival of the impress of psychological relations. […] Structures give way only gradually to new structures. […] Similarly the personality of every individual who has been a member of a particular group may leave impressions which survive long after he has departed. (Moreno 1934:208-9)


The act of running away can frequently be foretold and pre­ventive measures taken if a careful sociometric classification of each individual of the population is made at regular periods. (Moreno 1934:216-7)


In chemistry we call a solution saturated which can remain under given conditions in the presence of an excess of the dis­ solved substance. Similarly, there is a sociometric point of saturation of a specific homogeneous group for a specific other contrasting element under given conditions. In the case of a chemical solution its point of saturation for a certain sub­ stance may change, for instance, with the fall or rise of temperature. In the case of social groups the point of saturation may change with the organization of the interrelated groups. (Moreno 1934:225)


The mapping of the whole community, the depicting of the interrelationships of its inhabitants and of its collectives in respect to (a) locality and to the (b) psychological currents between them is psychological geography. (Moreno 1934:233)

The representation of a community in this fashion can be of value for the analysis of its inner organization. It makes structural relations visible which can be calculated only with difficulty. The inner working of society is here expanded and put under the microscope and its invisible structure made free for exploration. (Moreno 1934:236)

If the sociograms of each individual group of a community were combined into a graph, the sociogram of each family, factory, church, etc., depicting also the psychological currents which flow from indi­ viduals in one group to the individuals in the other groups, then a picture of a community results which is geographic and psychological at the same time, its psychological geography. (Moreno 1934:255)


The chart [“Networks in a Community”, p.246] illustrates the subdivisions of the whole community into five more or less distinct bundles, each comprising a specific number of individuals. The individuals who belong to each of these networks were found to be so interlocked directly or by indirection that emotional states could travel to the members of the respective network with the least possible delay. (Moreno 1934:247)

A CONSTRUÇÃO DA REDE (linhas principal e lateral)

We began the counting with a certain individual in Cottage 2, following the line which went to an individual in Cottage A, and from this individual to another individual in Cottage 4, to find that this individual in Cottage 4 had a line
going to another individual in Cottage 5, to find that this individual in Cottage 5 had no line going out to any individual in another cottage. At this point the network broke up. We returned to Cottage 2 and proceeded in a similar manner with every individual in the cottage who showed connections to individuals in other cottages, until again we arrived with each of them to the point where the net broke up. In this manner we were enabled to construct what we called the main line of the network. […] Once the members of the main line of the network were ascertained, we began to trace from each of its members those individuals within her own group who were directly related to her. These branches formed the side lines of the network. (Moreno 1934:247)


[M]ankind is divided not only into races and nations, religions and states, but into socionomic divisions. There is produced a socionomic hierarchy due to the differences in attraction of particular individuals and groups for other particular individuals and groups. Whether or not these differences in attractibility are intrinsic, they have been the greatest deterrents and stimulants of the will to power. It is natural that less attractive individuals and less attractive groups will try to attain through the arbiter of force what spontaneous attraction and ability fail to provide them with. (Moreno 1934:250-1)


Psychological currents consist of feelings of one group towards another. The current is not produced in each individual apart from the others of the group; it is not ready in everyone only to be added together to result in a sum, as, for instance, anger which dominates each individual of the group to the end that the whole group becomes angry as a totality and each of its members equally angry. The contribution of each individual is unequal and the product is not necessarily identical with the single contributions. One or two individuals may contribute more towards determining what feeling is directing the current than the rest. But from the spontaneous interaction of such contrasting contributors currents result if all these contributions have the same direction, that is, if they are related to the same criterion. Through the mapping in the form of psychological geography of the emotions of the Hudson population we were able to study varieties of psychological currents. (Moreno 1934:251-2)

We need to study human nature not only in the aspect of its past, not only from the aspect of its consciousness or unconsciousness, but from the aspect of the actual presence of the powerful, psychological currents in whose production each man
participates as so infinitely small an agent. (Moreno 1934:255)

CORRENTES AGRESSIVAS (raça ou auto-preservação)

It appears that when aggressive currents arise in respect to self-preservation or racial difference that a very small minority may come to the front and direct the currents which are set for release. (Moreno 1934:253)


We can differentiate psychological currents (1) according to their causation into (a) sexual, (b) racial, (c) social, (d) industrial, and (e) cultural currents ; and (2) according to the principle of their formation into (a) positive and negative currents, (b) spontaneous and counter currents, (c) primary and secondary currents, (d) initial and terminal currents, and (e) main and side currents. (Moreno 1934:253-4)

These psychological currents do not rest in individuals but run into space and there they do not run entirely wildly but through channels and structures which arc erected by men: families, schools, factories, communities, etc., unrestrained or lifted by boundaries which arc erected by nature: climate or race. (Moreno 1934:255)(Moreno 1934:254)

INPUT < OUTPUT (psico-engenharia)

Due to pressure within populations the mass of psycho­logical currents going out from individuals is far larger than the amount of counter-currents coming in response to the individuals from the objects of their affection. In this criss­ crossing a great amount of emotional energy appears wasted and a great amount of dissatisfaction seems unavoidable. But perhaps just as we have been able to correct the direction of rivers and torrents, we may be able to correct the direction in which psychological currents flow. Just as there are millions of forgotten, isolated individuals in the world, there may be millions of isolated currents within the world population .(Moreno 1934:254-5)


We can measure expansion of currents in relation to a particular group (whatever portion of the group is involved) by determining the number of other groups affected by their currents and figure the average emotional expansion for a group in a given community. […] If it is an isolated, side­ tracked current, then the ablest individuals with the most influential positions within it will end with the current itself in a blind alley. But if it joins the main current of the com­munity, the same tele as before may produce a many times more powerful effect. (Moreno 1934:254)


The psychogeographic mapping of the community shows, first, the relationship of local geography to psychological processes; second, the community as a psychological whole and the interrelations of its parts, families, industrial units, etc.; third, the existence of psychological currents which break group lines, as racial, social, sexual and cultural currents. But these bonds are not the deepest level of the structure which we have tried to raise. There are still deeper layers. We had suspected that beneath the ever flowing and ever changing currents there must be a permanent structure, a container, a bed which carries and mingles its currents, however different their goals may be. Speculating in this direction, we reminded ourselves of two instances. One is the findings through structural analysis of groups. Certain forms (as pairs, chains, triangles, etc., see p. 104) recur regularly and definitely related to the degree of differentiation a group has attained. The other is the trend of individuals to break group lines as if mysteriously drawn by certain psychological currents. (See pp. 251-5.) We have found that these currents which break group lines and even community lines are not lawless. They are related to more or less permanent structures which bind individuals together into large networks. (Moreno 1934:256)


To say it figuratively, the best road, here a network, cannot make a car run through it. The driver must contribute. (Moreno 1934:257)

Another proof that networks exist is the spreading of news or gossip into a certain direction of the community and not into others. (Moreno 1934:260)


The psychogeographical network is analogous to the nervous system, whose network is also molded by the currents that run through it and which is so organized also as to produce the greatest effect with the least effort. It cannot be compared, however, with a telephone system, as the latter is unrelated to the currents which run through it, is not molded by these currents. (Moreno 1934:261)


[T]he effort to keep a secret and to limit information to a selected group usually ends in failure. One day it filters into the general networks. How­ ever, these finer nets within the networks exist and are an important psychogeographical organization. They are like private roads with different labels saying into which direction they lead. One has a label, sex; another has a label, runaway; another has the label, staff versus girls; etc. Ideas in regard to these cannot be conveyed to everybody, not even to friends, or friends of friends. It is like having telephone numbers which are not listed in the telephone directory. (Moreno 1934:262-3)


Unavoidably the larger a network is the larger becomes the number of dead links, – that is, the number of relations which are not reciprocally effective, so to speak, emotions which run without registering in the intended other person. They can be called resistance links and their sum of resistance is caused by the intrinsic character of the network. This factor is practically negligible in small networks, but in larger ones it plays a definite role. The larger the network is, as in the organization of cities or political parties, the larger may become the influence of this resistance within it. (Moreno 1934:264)


A certain constancy in the organization of a community is the condition of free and independent life of its members. The mechanism which makes this constancy possible in a community is its networks and the psychological currents which flow through them. This form of free and independent life for the single individuals is the privilege of such communities as have reached the heights of complexity and differentiation. Therefore societies which are lacking in constancy and differentiation are unable to offer to its members the privileges of free life […]. The networks have also an architectonic function in the community. By virtue of this they are the controlling factors of its development. The older and the more mature the society is the more the whole network system becomes a controlling super-organization.(Moreno 1934:264)


The local districts are, so to speak, transversed by psychological currents which bind large groups of individuals into units together, irrespective of neighborhood, district, or borough distinctions. These networks are the kitchens of public opinion. It is through these channels that people affect, educate, or disintegrate one another. It is through these networks that suggestion is transmitted. In one part of a community a person has the reputation of honesty; in another part, of dishonesty. Whatever the actual facts may be, this reputation is due to two different networks in which two different opinions about him travel. […] These networks are traceable and we may learn to control them.(Moreno 1934:264-5)


The greater the variety of psychological currents uniting and dividing parts of the population, the greater appears the tendency to develop roads for them through which they can travel (networks). The mechanism of psycho­ logical expansion which drives individuals, groups, and currents towards further and further differentiation produces also its own controls. One process, the process of differentiation, draws the groups apart; the other process, the process of transmission, draws the groups together. This alternating rhythm can be called the law of social gravitation. (Moreno 1934:266)


We know about parents who are careless of and cruel to their own children, and we know about childless people who become their mos t useful Parents. The instinct for reproduction and the instinct for parenthood are not identical. We propose, therefore, the specialization of the notion of parenthood into two distinct and different functions, – the biological parent and the social parent. They may come together in one individual or they may not. But the problem is how to produce a procedure which is able to substitute and improve this ancient order. (Moreno 1934:271)

The question is how do we know which parent is desirable for which child and which child is desirable for which other child? (Moreno 1934:273)


We see our universe consisting of organizations which are either molded by mechanical and economic pressure, as the factory, or by biological pressure, as the family, but we do not see man’s own world realized. Yet if we want to make a world after man’s own feeling we have to have first a social society. (Moreno 1934:271)

COSMOLOGIA MORENIANA (interdependências geográfica-horizontal e diferencial-vertical)

If we look at the universe we see the life of its organisms interlocked in a state of interdependence, and if we look particularly upon the organisms which reside upon earth, we see this state of interdependence in two aspects, a geographical, horizontal structure of interdependence among the organisms and a vertical structure of interdependence among them. We see that more highly differentiated organisms rest in and depend upon the less highly differentiated. It is this heterogeneity of order which makes bacteria and algae indispensable for the more complex structures resting upon them and which gives creatures so vulnerable and dependent as man the possibility of existence. […] The two directions of structure can be observed in respect to social groups. No individual will stand long apart from the other and no group isolated from others if they live in geographic proximity. They will sooner or later come to an exchange of emotions and other social values and thus produce horizontal structures through interdependence and collectivistic differentiation. The vertical line of structure can be observed in groups which tend to endure over a period of time. We see a number of dependent elements at the “bottom” of the group and a number of leading elements at the “top” of the group, and often also a number of intermediary agents between them. The members at the top need the dependent groups as a medium to express themselves and the dependent groups need the members at the top as a medium to express themselves. (Moreno 1934:298)


The objectives of our systems of education in the past have been to train man for a series of rigid social situations and for a series of rigid vocations. The roads through which the individual had to travel were given. Development or perfection could be obtained only within these dogmatic and clear-cut boundaries. Outside of these were chaos and disintegration. But within the last century a change has taken place. This change did not move from the old dogmatic situation to a new dogmatic situation, but to one of flux and uncertainty. The argument has been raised that the cause of this development is the industrial revolution and that the remedy lies in halting the progress of the machine, or, again, that the cause lies in a perversion of man’s instincts and the remedy in a return to a more primitive civilization. But another point of view can be taken : that man is resourceful enough to become more highly differentiated and more flexible in accord with a more highly differentiated and more flexible form of society which, as it appears, is in the becoming. (Moreno 1934:324)


Everybody is expected to live up to his official role in life, – a teacher is to act as a teacher, a pupil as a pupil, and so forth. But the individual craves to embody far more roles than those he is allowed to act out in life, and even within the same role one or more varieties of it. Every individual is filled with different roles which he wants to become active in and that are present in him in different stages of development. And it is from the active pressure which these multiple individual units exert upon the manifest
official role that a feeling of anxiety is often produced. (Moreno 1934:326)


Thus the problem of learning becomes not to induce and conserve habits but to train spontaneity, to train and develop man to the habit of spontaneity. (Moreno 1934:326)


It can be assumed that experiences connected with impulses which tend to produce toned and heated states them­ selves establish special associations. We have found that contents which enter the mind connected with highly heated states may recur more easily with the recurrence of similar states than with untoned ones. On the other hand, contents which enter the mind associated with untoned, unemotional states tend to recur with these and not with highly heated states. […] Every word and phrase exchanged in these states remain associated with them. The contents entered the mind when the subject was in the behavior of acting. Later, when he was anxious to use them in emotional situations again, they recurred, spontaneously connected with the present act. Since he began by receiving contents in a spontaneous activity, he could finish by delivering them as a spontaneous expression. This way of learning not only increased his knowledge but shaped and gave more unity to his personality, his learning became not apart from but essentially connected with his acts. (Moreno 1934:330-1)


The study of networks disclosed that every individual is almost fully unaware of his position within the community. It may be that no intelligence is supreme enough to be aware all the time of all the psychological currents by which he is affected. […] An emotional continuum of relations lies below all the patterns of community life, families, clubs, labor, political, or religious units. This is the true vehicle of power. Yet at no time in history has an attempt been made to base the government upon this continuum itself instead of upon its upper structures. There is no doubt that in certain critical moments in the history of man, however, these parts of our social structure rose up and flooded the barriers. Indeed, if we study the principles from which our forms of government and public
representation emerge we see that they are often constructed in utter disregard or ignorance of this underlying continuum of human relations. We stave it off and accept and use techniques unrelated to the basic forces, artificial substitutes for the factors which are actually creating the world. Through socionomic government the true and factual organization of a community would be brought to expression and the expression would change on the surface only if it changes also beneath. And if there is an hierarchy inherent in its make-up, the true hierarchy would come to lead the rest in accord with sociometric findings. (Moreno 1934:339)


Studies in respect to the marriage rate, the delinquency rate for different areas of the country, the suicide rate, quantitative analysis of public opinion, reading habits of different communities, business cycles and other cyclical phenomena, etc., however significant they may be as such, do not carry any weight if it comes to the concrete questions what position the individual X has in Kansas City, what position the family unit B has in Forest Hills, or a certain group of negroes, in Miami, Florida. (Moreno 1934:340)


We have learned that psychological currents are in general not produced at will but that certain conditions within a population predispose to their development. Specific groups racially can become saturated in the attempt to adjust incoming elements which are […] contrasting. Up to the saturation point a wave of sympathy may prevail. As soon as this point is surpassed, states of anxiety, fear, jealousy, anger, or whatever, rise up in individuals and in groups, building up gradually the predisposing constellation for aggressive currents. (Moreno 1934:345)


We have seen in our sociograms that a boy receiving attraction from a girl who is wanted by a great number of other boys is bound to be the center of jealousies and distrust, whereas the boy who receives attention from a girl who is isolated passes unnoticed. The attention a man of the Jewish minority received from a German woman who is the center of admiration of numerous German men may produce within the psychological networks a “tele” effect, that is, an effect far beyond the two persons and the immediate group of persons involved in the matter. The frictions increase if the individuals rejected or overlooked belong to the ” top ” of the group. (Moreno 1934:347)


Psychological currents appear to have a self-regulating and curative mechanism. […] After the initial excitation is over the current gradually finds its natural level. This process can be well compared with the warming up of an individual to an Impromptu state, as this state also tends to fall to its natural level. (Moreno 1934:349)


Our knowledge of the networks by which a large population in a given geographical area is inter-connected suggests to how far an extent a group in power may be able to degenerate the development of psychological currents through the use of the modern technological methods for the dissemination of propaganda. We may not be able to command psychological currents but we may be able to extend, to accelerate, or to retard them, – in other words, to denaturalize their spontaneous unfoldment. A group in power may even attempt to produce psychological currents at will, synthetically. Such management of the networks and currents in a population is a most dangerous play and may produce greater disturbances in the depths than the momentary effects upon the surface at first may indicate. (Moreno 1934:350)


The conduct of such a group of pioneers can be divided into two phases : (a) when they get the idea to move from their present place of residence to a new place of residence, to the land of “milk and honey” – this can be called the preparatory phase; (b) when the group arrives at the new place and begins to act upon it, to struggle with the unexpected in a mood of on to victory – this can be called the pioneer phase. The initiative, the vision, the emotional and intellectual qualities of the pioneers are in operation. (Moreno 1934:350)


They [migrantes pioneiros] are driven forwards. They are in the midst of producing a series of successive acts; they are in need of throwing themselves into purposive action. If any form of guidance should reach them constructively, a new form, a more active and direct form of transference, has to be used. Their minds have to be directed not towards an emotional experience and conflict in the past but towards a task in the present and the emotional attachment to be developed in respect to it. It is this present which is in need of analytical reflection. The helper towards this has to approach the subject or subjects directly; he has to produce an act, an act of transference. (Moreno 1934:352)


The basis of sociometric classification is not a psyche which is bound up within an individual organism but an individual organism moving around in space in relation to things or other subjects also moving around him in space. The tele, however inexpansive or rudimentary, is an expression of the degree of attraction among them. (Moreno 1934:377-8)

REDE (glossário)

Network. A psychological structure which consists largely of a chain forma­tion in which individuals comprising certain links in it are unacquainted with those in more distant links but can exert an influence upon one another by indirection. Through such chains opinion and suggestion can [texto interrompido aqui] (Moreno 1934:432)


Psychological Currents. Feelings which spread from one group to other groups. (Moreno 1934:432)

ÁTOMO SOCIAL (glossário)

Social Atom. The smallest constellation of psychological relations which can be said to make up the individual cells in the social universe. It consists of the psychological relations of one individual to those other individuals to whom he is attracted or repelled and their relation to him all in respect to a specific criterion (as living in proximity). (Moreno 1934:432)

SOCIOGRAMA (glossário)

Sociogram. A graph which visualizes the underlying structure of a group and the position each individual has within it. (Moreno 1934:432)

SOCIONOMIA (glossário)

Socionomy. A science which is concerned with the psychological properties of populations and with the communal problems which these properties produce. (Moreno 1934:432)

TELE (glossário)

Tele. A feeling which is projected into distance ; the simplest unit of feeling transmitted from one individual towards another. (Moreno 1934:432)

LaSPA? (homônimos)

Hoje coloquei “Laspa” no google e descobri que esta página só aparece, para mim, depois das páginas de cinco Spas: La Spa (spa canadense, com staff 100% feminino); La Spa Naturale (localizado no Paihia Beach Resort & Spa Hotel, em Paihia, Nova Zelândia); La Spa de Peñasco (localizado em Puerto Peñasco, México); La Spa Il Salviatino (localizado em Florença, Itália); e La Spa (localizado dentro do Eldorado Resort Casino em Shreveport, Louisiana, EUA).

Busquei então a origem do termo “spa”, e cheguei neste verbete de wikipédia: “The word spa itself denotes “fountain”. Some experts also suggest that the word “spa” originated from the name of the Belgian town named Spa where a curative natural spring was discovered in the 14th century. Since medieval times, illnesses caused by iron deficiency were treated by drinking chalybeate (iron-bearing) spring water (in 1326, the ironmaster Collin le Loup claimed a cure, when the spring was called Espa, a Walloon word for “fountain”).”.

Mas isso não é tudo. Antes desta página aparecem ainda páginas de três salões de beleza: La Spa Nails (San Francisco, California, EUA); Ooh La Spa (Creed, Colorado, EUA); e L.A. Spa, Nail Bar, & Massage (mega-salão de beleza em Wyomissing, Pensilvânia, EUA). E de duas empresas que vendem banheiras de hidromassagem: L.A. Spas (empresa aparentemente sediada em Los Angeles); e La Spa (empresa estoniana).

E mais, esta página também aparece depois da página do Laspa Center for Leadership, sediado na universidade feminina SCRIPPS – The Women’s College, em Claremont, California, EUA. Este centro foi batizado com o sobrenome do casal Eileen e Jude Laspa, que fez a doação original que fundou o centro. LASPA é aqui também o acrônimo de Leadership, Analysis, Scholarship, Public Service and Action.

Outras páginas que ainda aparecem antes desta aqui são: a da The Los Angeles Sheriff’s Professional Association; a da Los Angeles School Police Association (California, EUA); a da associação francesa de proteção dos animais La SPA, que oferece abrigo a animais abandonados (“S.P.A.” é aqui o acrônimo de: “Sauver Protéger et Aimer les animaux”); e o Instragram popular da esportista grega Katerina Laspa (Keep Up).

Curioso não?

Tarde’s idea of quantification (Latour 2015 [2010])

LATOUR, Bruno. 2010. Tarde’s idea of quantification. In Matei Candea (Ed.). The social after Gabriel Tarde: debates and assessments. London: Routledge, pp.145-62.


What is so refreshing in Tarde (more than a century later!) is that he never doubted for a minute that it was possible to have a scientific sociology – or rather, an “ inter-psychology”, to use his term. And he espoused this position without ever believing that this should be done through a superficial imitation of the natural sciences. (Latour 2010:145-6)


Tarde’s reasoning goes straight to the heart of the matter: the natural sciences grasp their object from far away, and, so to speak, in bulk. […] It is therefore quite normal that they should rely on a rough outline of the “societies” of gas and cells to make their observations. (Remember that for Tarde “everything is a society.”) […] Although the very distinction between a law or structure and its individual components is acceptable in natural sciences, it cannot be used as a universal template to grasp all societies. The distinction is an artifact of distance, of where the observer is placed and of the number of entities they are considering at once. The gap between overall structure and underlying components is the symptom of a lack of information: the elements are too numerous, their exact whereabouts are unknown, there exist too many hiatus in their trajectories, and the ways in which they intermingle has not been grasped. It would therefore be very odd for what is originally a deficit of information to be turned into the universal goal of any scientific inquiry. (Latour 2010:148)

What is perfectly acceptable for “sociologists” of stars, atoms, cells and organisms, is inacceptable for the sociologists of the few billions of humans, or for the economists of a few millions of transactions. For in the latter cases, we most certainly have, or we should at least strive to possess, the information needed to dissolve the illusion of the structure. (Latour 2010:146)

Structure is what is imagined to fill the gaps when there is a deficit of information as to the ways any entity inherits from its predecessors and successors. (Latour 2010:153)

[T]he opposition is not between a holistic view of the societies […] and an individualist one. It is between a first approximation through crude statistical records that loses most of the inner quantification of the organism, and a more refined one that has learned how to follow how each of those organisms inherits and transmits its own individual innovations. Change the instruments, and you will change the entire social theory that goes with them. The only thing to lose is the notion of a structure, distinct from its incarnations, this artifact that compensates for a deficit of information. (Latour 2010:153)

TARDE (distinguia o estudo das sociedades humanas do estudo das outras pelos motivos certos, i.e.: pelo fato de que cientistas são humanos e, portanto, conhecem a sociedade “de dentro”) e DURKHEIM (fez a mesma coisa, mas pelos motivos errados, i.e.: petições de princípio, argumentos de autoridade, fórmulas retóricas como “pela força das coisas” etc.)

The shibboleth that distinguishes their [Tarde’s and Durkheim’s] attitudes is not that one is “for society” while the other is “for the individual actor.” (This is what the Durkheimians have quite successfully claimed so as to bury Tarde into the individual psychology he always rejected.) The distinction is drawn by whether one accepts or does not accept that a structure can be qualitatively distinct from its components. In response to this test question, Durkheim answers “yes” for both kinds of societies. Tarde says “yes”, for natural societies (for there is no way to do otherwise), but “no” for human societies. For human societies, and for only human societies, we can do so much more. (Latour 2010:147)

MONADOLOGY (desire/belief)

[F]or Tarde: the very heart of social phenomena is quantifiable because individual monads are constantly evaluating one another in simultaneous attempts to expand and to stabilize their worlds. The notion of expansion is coded for him in the word “desire,” and stabilization in the word “belief” […]. Each monad strives to possess one another. (Latour 2010:148)

How many entities can one entelechy reach? – That is desire. How many can they stabilize, order, fix or keep in place? – That is belief. No providence whatsoever can produce any harmony over and above the interplay of desire and belief in each monad, let loose on the world. […] With extreme avidity (a term Tarde prefers to that of ‘identity’), all monads will seize every possible occasion to grasp one another in a quantitative manner. This accelerates and also simplifies their aggregation and cohesion; it modifies them and gives them another turn and another handle. (Latour 2010:156)


Does this mean that we should always stick to the individual? No, but we should find ways to gather the individual “he” and “she” without losing out on the specific ways in which they are able to mingle, in a standard, in a code, in a bundle of customs, in a scientific discipline, in a technology – but never in some overarching society. The challenge is to try to obtain their aggregation without either shifting our attention at any point to a whole, or changing modes of inquiry. […] Following the “imitative rays” will render the social traceable from beginning to end without limiting us to the individual, or
forcing a leap up to the level of a structure. (Latour 2010:149)

IMITAÇÃO como AÇÃO-REDE (ação distribuída, mas sempre local em cada ponto)

Imitation, that is, literally, the “epidemiology of ideas.” With this notion, he [Tarde] could render the social sciences scientific enough by following individual traits, yet without them getting confused when they aggregated to form seemingly “impersonal” models and transcendent structures. The term “imitation” may be replaced by many others (for instance, monad, actor-network or entelechy), provided these have the equivalent role: of tracing the ways in which individual monads conspire with one another without ever producing a structure. (Latour 2010:149)

O DUALISMO INDIVÍDUO/SOCIEDADE É O EFEITO DE UMA “TRANSIÇÃO DE FASE” (entre “individualizar um grupo” e “ser um indivíduo num coletivo”) AINDA MAL COMPREENDIDA

For Tarde, if we were to believe that the first duty of social science is to “reconcile the actor and the system” or to “solve the quandary of the individual versus society,” we would have to abandon all hope of ever being scientific. This is tantamount to aping the natural sciences, which are perfectly alright in getting by with discovering a structure and neglecting minor individual variations because they are much too far to observe whether or not a “collective self” emerges ex abrupto from “its astonished associates.” Fortunately, in the case of human sciences, we know this emergence is different. We can verify every day, alas, that “leaders” are “born from fathers and mothers” and not “collectively.” This forces us to discover the real conduits through which any group is able to emerge. For instance, we might search for how associates might “individualize in themselves the group in its entirety” through legal or political vehicles. Once we have ferreted out what makes this phase transition possible we will be able to see with clarity, the difference between “individualizing a group” and “being an individual in a collective structure.” Each case requires a completely different feel for the complex ecology of the situation. (Latour 2010:150)

AÇÃO-REDE (trajetória) PARA ALÉM DA OPOSIÇÃO INDIVÍDUO/SOCIEDADE (o agregado é real, mas nunca separado de suas variações individuais)

We have (or should have) full access to the aggregated dynamic. What is called a “structural law” by some sociologists is simply the phenomenon of aggregation: the formatting and standardization of a great number of copies, stabilized by imitation and made available in a new form, such as a code, a dictionary, an institution, or a custom. According to Tarde, if it is wrong to consider individual variations as though they were deviations from a law, it is equally wrong to consider individual variations as the only rich phenomenon to be studied by opposition with (or distance from) statistical results. It is in the nature of the individual agent to imitate others. What we observe either in individual variations or in aggregates are just two detectable moments along a trajectory drawn by the observer who is following the fate of any given “imitative ray.” To follow those rays (or “ actor-networks” […]) is to encounter, depending on the moment, individual innovations and then aggregates, followed afterwards by more individual innovations. It is the trajectory of what circulates that counts, not any of its provisional steps. (Latour 2010:151)

[T]he distinction between structure and ingredient […] [is] due to a deficiency of information. If the researcher is in possession of this information, this chain of invention, this “imitative ray,” then there is no reason why they cannot follow the individual innovation as well as the aggregates, smoothly. If there is a map of a river catchment, there is no need to leap from the individual rivulets to the River, with a capital R. We will follow, one by one, each individual rivulet until they become a river – with a small r. (Latour 2010:152)


Here resides the fourth and final reason why Tarde’s sociology seems so original and so fresh for us today. A judgment of taste, an inflexion in the way we speak, a slight mutation in our habits, a preference between two goods, a decision taken on the spur of the moment, an idea flashing in the brain, the conclusion of a long series of inconclusive syllogisms, and so forth – what appears most qualitative is actually where the greatest numbers of calculations are being made among “desires” and “beliefs.” So, in principle, for Tarde, this is also the locus where we should be best able to quantify. Providing, that is, that we have the instruments to capture what he calls “logical duels.” (Latour 2010:154)


The reason why there is no need for an overarching society is because there is no individual to begin with, or at least no individual atoms. The individual element is a monad, that is, a representation, a reflection, or an interiorization of a whole set of other elements borrowed from the world around it. If there is nothing especially structural in the “whole,” it is because of a vast crowd of elements already present in every single entity. This is where the word “network” – and even actor-network – captures what Tarde had to say much better than the word “individual.” Contrary to what is often said, there is not even a hint of “methodological individualism” in this argument. There is no psychologism, nor of course any temptation toward “rational choice.” (Latour 2010:154)

Behind every “he” and “she,” one could say, there are a vast number of other “he’s” and “she’s” to which they have been interrelated. When Tarde insists that we detect specific embranchments and bifurcations behind every innovation, he is not saying that we should celebrate individual genius. It is rather that geniuses are made of a vast crowd of neurons!. (Latour 2010:155)

A monarch is to his people what conscience is to the brain, what ego is to the neurons, what Darwin is to the thousands of naturalists through the obscure work on which he depends for his “glory”! Once again, the “one” piggybacks on top of the “many” but without composing a “they.” This is where Tarde’s originality resides: everything is individual and yet there is no individual in the etymological sense of that which cannot be further divided. (Latour 2010:155)


science is in and of the world it studies. It does not hang over the world from the outside. It has no privilege. This is precisely what makes science so immensely important: it performs the social together with all of the other actors, all of whom try to turn new instruments to their own benefits. (Latour 2010:156)


It is quite amusing to imagine Tarde directing his statistical bureau, nurturing so many doubts about the quality of the data he was handing out to the Ministry of Justice (and also to Marcel Mauss who was helping his uncle to write his book, Suicide, in which Tarde was trashed every two footnotes …), while dreaming, at the same time, of the many interesting quantitative instruments he had no way of obtaining: the “gloriometer” for following reputation (so easily accessible now with page rankings); conversation for understanding economic transactions (now the object of so many tools following buzz and viral marketing – Rosen 2009); “phonometers” like those invented by Abbé Rousselot in order to follow the smallest inflexions of the native speakers (now accessible through the automated study of vast corpora of documents). […] When Tarde claimed that statistics would one day be as easy to read as newspapers, he could not have anticipated that the newspapers themselves would be so transformed by digitalization that they would merge into the new domain of data visualization. This is a clear case of a social scientist being one century ahead of his time because he had anticipated a quality of connection and traceability necessary for good statistics which was totally unavailable in 1900. A century later, networks and traces are triggering the excitement of social and natural scientists everywhere (Barabasi 2003; Benkler 2006). […] Digital navigation through point-to-point datascapes might, a century later, vindicate Tarde’s insights. (Latour 2010:158)

Redes segundo Dupuy (1996)

DUPUY, Gabriel. 1996. Réseaux (Philosophie de l’organisations). Encyclopaedia Universalis 19. Paris, pp.875-82.


Il faut aujourd’hui comprendre ce qu’est un réseau. (Dupuy 1996:875)


Pourquoi et comment le terme “réseau” qui pendant près de vingt siècles a désigné un filet, un ouvrage formé d’un entrelacement régulier de fils ou de ficelles a-t-il échappé à son acception textile pour pénétrer le rubriques des dictionnaires telles l’anatomie, la physique, l’électricité, la thermodynamique, l’informatique, la géographie, la sociologie? (Dupuy 1996:875)


Réseau provient étymologiquement du latin retis (filet). (Dupuy 1996:875)

MEDICINA (Diderot, Bichat, Magendie, Harvey, Descartes, Poiseuille)

À partir du XVIIIe siècle, progressivement, la medecine s’empare métaphoriquement du réseau pour décrire puis pour rendre compte du fonctionnement de l’organisme humaine. (Dupuy 1996:875)

Dans la première moitié du XIXe siècle s’affermit donc un concept de réseau appliqué à l’analyse de l’organisme humain. (Dupuy 1996:875)

L’anatomie et la médecine françaises ont entrevu dès le XVIIIe siècle l’intérêt du concept de réseau. (Dupuy 1996:875)


. (Dupuy 1996:875)


La construction des routes, des ouvrages de défense, d’adduction d’eau et l’assainissement des villes, tous équipements qui appellent aujourd’hui sans conteste l’emploi du terme réseau, se réalise en France pendant tout le XVIIIe siècle et au début du XIXe sans que les ingénieurs pensent “réseau”. (Dupuy 1996:875)

ARVORE (hierarquia) =/= REDE (conexões cruzadas e transversais)

. (Dupuy 1996:876)


En dépit de ces quelques succès, lents et liités, chez les médecins et les ingénieurs territoriaux, en dpepit de la préexistence d’un véritable réseau national – le réseau postal -, la métaphore réticulaire n’aurait probablement pas poursuivi ses conquêtes si elle n’avait été à partir de 1830 au coeur de la pensée de l’école saint-simonienne. (Dupuy 1996:876)


Les réseaux de diffraction désignent des dispositifs comportant des lignes régulièrement espacées de façon à produire des effets de diffraction de la lumière ou d’ondes électromagnétiques. Les réseaux cristallins fournissent une typologie raisonnée de la disposition ds ions ou des atomes à l’intérieur de certains corps cristallisés. (Dupuy 1996:877)


C’est d’abord l’image du tissu, des mailles, du filet qui revient au-devant de la scène. Is s’agit bien de liens multiples enre les éléments, hommes ou machines. Mais la nature de ces liens et de la communication qu’ils peuvent établir est profondément différente de ce qui fondait jusque-là les utilisations du concept de réseau. (Dupuy 1996:876)

[L]e paradigme informationnel nous invite à voir autrement le réseau. (Dupuy 1996:877)


Issu d’une métaphore banale caractérisant une description topologique, il s’est progressivement enrichi de l’idée de circulation de fluides et plus récemment de la notion d’information. Il a trouvé des utilisations nombreuses du côté de sciences et de techniques diverses, de la médecine aux sciences de l’ingénieur et de la cristallographie à la biologie. (Dupuy 1996:878)


Première référence obligée: le chaos. Par rapport à une situation chaotique, le réseau organise. Is distingue des points singuliers, des éléments différentiables, des lieux divers, selon des règles qui sont les siennes. Le réseau est d’abord organisation des différences. Il “formate” des noeuds entre lesquels il étend ses lignes. Il crée aussitôt des liens entre ce qu’il a différencié. Cela vaut aussi bien pour un réseau cristallographique que pour un réseau de chemin de fer. Dans le domaine des sciences sociales […] [l]e réseau fait émerger de l’anonymat des individus qui ont entre eux certaines affinités. Ces individus deviendront des relais vers d’autres (les amis de nos amis!), et le réseau se constitue, réorganisant sur une base collective l’offre et la demande atomistiques. (Dupuy 1996:878)

REDE (flúida) versus ESTRUTURA (sólida)

Le concept de réseau n’est intéressant que si les individus peuvent jouer avec leurs roles, se jouer des limites et contraintes institutionnelles et sociologiques ordinaires. Le réseau suppose des acteurs susceptibles de mobiliser des relations sociales qui ne sont pas nécessairement représentatives de leur appartenance (réseaux clandestins). Les liens sociaux ainsi noués demeurent conjoncturels et occasionnels. Le réseau, même encadré dans une structure solide, reste fluide. (Dupuy 1996:879)

REDE une FLUIDEZ e SOLIDEZ pela CONEXÃO (redes neurais)

Le pouvoir organisateur du réseau n’est donc pas du côté de la différenciation. Mais, en même temps, le réseau organise en connectant. La connexité est la vraie nature du réseau. Il en tire toute sa puissance d’organisation. […] Il s’agit de cette capacité du réseau de réaliser un grand nombre de liasons, fussent-elles éphémères, entre les éléments, les points qui en font partie. Dans l’organisation du réseau règnent des mailles, des boucles, des redondances de toutes sortes. (Dupuy 1996:879)

[C]’est le pouvoir de connexion qui progressivement organise les neurones en un réseau au fonctionnement intelligent. (Dupuy 1996:880)

REDE é POTENCIAL [potentiel] (e não “poder” [pouvoir])

L’organisation en réseau est donc très particulière puisq’elle relève noins d’un pouvoir que d’un potentiel. (Dupuy 1996:880)


[si des évolutions techniques successives n’étaient parvenues à] résoudre le problème des connexions du réseau, c’est-à-dire de la commutation, dans des conditions spatiales et temporelles acceptables. Organisateur de la différence par la connexion, le réseau est de fait gestionnaire du collectif. Des qu’un acteur social, planificateur saint-simonien ou “opérateur” moderne, a en charge le fonctionnement du réseau, il doit maintenir un difficile équilibre entre la sauvegarde de toutes les possibilités offertes par la complexité intrinsèque du réseau, d’où provient le véritable pouvoir organisateur, et une forme minimale de gestion collective nécessaire au moins pour inscrire le réseau dans l’espace-temps social. […] Lorsque sa gestion se collectivise, le réseau perd de vue – au moins en partie – la richesse des différences, des liens qu’il pourrait établir et qui fondent son pouvoir d’organisation. (Dupuy 1996:880)


[L]e principe organisateur réticulaire n’est pas seulement d’ordre spatial, mais il est d’ordre spatio-temporel. (Dupuy 1996:881)

Memória e reticulação (Carruthers 2011)

CARRUTHERS, Mary. A técnica do pensamento: meditação, retórica e a construção de imagens (400-1200). (Trad.: José E. Maiorino) Campinas: Editora da Unicamp.

“Uma centelha potencial está fria na pederneira, e jaz oculta no aço, mas é transformada em chama quando o aço e a pederneira são batidos um no outro. De maneira similar, quando uma palavra obscura é reunida ao significado, ela começa a brilhar. Certamente, se não houvesse significados místicos, não restaria qualquer distinção entre o infiel e o crente.” (Pedro Crisólogo, apud Carruthers 2011:81)

[O]s significados “místicos” são aqueles ocultos nas redes de memória dos cristãos instruídos, parte de sua paideia compartilhada. O que é importante é que, para um membro da counidade, uma palavra “brilhará” com significados associados. […] Note-se que não se diz da palavra “obscura” que ela própria tenha um conteúdo: em si mesma, ela é sem luz. Ela só começa a brilhar quando o “significado” lhe e trazido pelas reds mentais de alguém. É a habilidade de fazê-la brilher, e não qualquer conteúdo específico, que Pedro Crisólogo pensa ser crucial. (Carruthers 2011:82)
Onde se deveria ver um morcego (se se estivesse adequadamente “por dentro”), algumas pessoas (inclusive eu) viam um conjunto de dentes no estilo Rolling Stones, em redor de uma boca aberta, e somente com um esforço consciente éramos capazes de ver o que se esperava que víssemos. O que quero mostrara aqui não é que eu estava errada sobre o objeto que essa imagem estava “representando”: o ponto é que aquilo que a forma “representava” dependia exclusivamente de qual era a rede de associações recordadas à qual eu a estava conectando. (Carruthers 2011:82)

Reticulação na entrevista sobre a mecanologia (Simondon 2014)

SIMONDON, Gilbert. 2014 Entretien sur la méchanologie: Gilbert Simondon et Jean Le Moyne (1968). In: Sur la technique (1953-1983). Paris: PUF, pp.405-45.


É certo que a rede é notável e permite o desenvolvimento das técnicas, mas, por outro lado, é uma escravidão estar ligado à rede. (Simondon 2014:418)

Reticulação em Combes (1999)

COMBES, Muriel. 1999. Simondon: individu et collectivité – Pour une philosophie du transindividuel. Paris: PUF.


Numa tal ética, o sujeito se eterniza afirmando seu caráter relativo, isto é, relacional, inscrevendo o melhor que pode seus atos na rede dos outros atos. Mas essa inscrição não é uma simples integração, […] pois o poder de amplificação que define todo ato ético excede a simples relação de harmonia entre os membros da comunidade. Agir eticamente, para um sujeito, significa, com efeito, se afirmar como “ponto singular de uma infinidade aberta de relações” (IPC, p. 254), construir um campo de ressonância para outros atos, ou prolongar, ele mesmo, atos num campo de ressonância construído por outros; é participar de um empreendimento de transformação coletiva, de uma produção de novidade em comum, na qual cada um se transforma ao oferecer aos outros um potencial de transformação. Ora, esta é a definição de individuação coletiva, que se opera na dimensão do transindividual. (Combes 1999:107)


E parece mesmo que, bem no interior do pensamento simondoniano sobre a técnica, a tematização da reticularidade seja o que nos permite escapar da universalidade da normatividade tecnológica. (Combes 1999:108)

ÉTICA RETICULAR (não normativa)

A reticularidade, condição da ressonância imediata dos atos numa estruturação de potencial em comum, é o que faz passar de um horizonte normativo para um horizonte de amplificação do agir. A fidelidade ao sentido do devir é aqui subordinada ao desdobramento transdutivo dos atos em rede, sendo a rede não a mediação do ato, mas seu meio [le réseau n’étant pas le moyen de l’acte mais son milieu]. (Combes 1999:108)


O caráter reticular da organização das técnicas confere ao mundo técnico uma capacidade de condicionar a ação humana como tal. (Combes 1999:109)


Essa compreensão da tecnicidade como caracterizada pela reticularidade é precisamente o que permite interromper radicalmente a descrição da técnica pela ótica da categoria de mídia [moyen], de abandonar, em suma, o esquema da utilidade, adequado apenas à ferramenta. Aqui, como antes, a reticularidade (os conjuntos técnicos integrados) se opõe ao hilemorfismo (da ferramenta). E o esquema da rede, antitético àquele do hilemorfismo, parece mesmo constituir, aos olhos de Simondon, uma arma contra ele, uma possibilidade de sair do modo hilemórfico do pensamento e da acão. (Combes 1999:110)


Existe realmente, em Simondon, a idéia de uma normatividade da técnica. Mas ela distingue entre, de um lado, uma normatividade contida nos objetos técnicos, independente da normatividade social e que pode mesmo se tornar a fonte de novas normas numa “comunidade fechada” (IPC, p. 264-265), e, do outro lado, uma normatividade da organização reticular do mundo técnico como condicionando o agir humano. (Combes 1999:111)


Simondon coloca a questão da razão da transformação das sociedades (cf. IPC, p.63), e não responde por um avanço estrutural da técnica, mas pela existência de partes de natureza pré-individual associadas aos indivíduos que, colocados em comum durante a individuação específica do coletivo, fazem nascer o transindividual. (Combes 1999:112)


hipótese simondoniana da existência de um potencial pré-indidvidual associado aos indivíduos, hipótese de seu comum pertencimento a uma dimensão ontológica que lhes precede (Combes 1999:113)


Simondon busca renovar o agir humano pelo engajamento na reticularidade dos conjuntos técnicos conectados. Nessa reticularidade, com efeito, Simondon vê a possibilidade de escapar, enfim, ao hilemorfismo que caracteriza a fase do ser no mundo à qual ainda pertencemos, e na qual entramos ao romper a “ligação vital entre o homem e o mundo” que caracterizava “a unidade mágica primitiva” (MEOT, p.163). (Combes 1999:114)

[Simondon viu] no mundo técnico contemporâneo, enquanto realidade reticular, o meio a partir do qual se oferece a possibilidade de reconstruir uma relação ao mundo análoga à unidade mágica, relação que não era uma fusão do homem e do mundo, mas uma “reticulação do mundo em lugares privilegiados e em momentos privilegiados” tais que “todo o poder de agir do homem e toda a capacidade do mundo de influenciar o homem se concentram nesses lugares e nesses momentos” (MEOT, p.164). Para além da cisão hilemórfica do agir imposto pela era da ferramenta, o que interessa a Simondon não é reencontrar essa relação mágica com o mundo, definitivamente perdida para nós e caracterizada pela influência recíproca do homem e do mundo, na qual o homem podia “estabelecer com ele uma relação de amizade” (MEOT, p.166); mas, através da rede técnica contemporânea, vir a construir uma nova modalidade da relação, como relação transdutiva dos homens frente à natureza e relação transindividual dos homens entre si. (Combes 1999:115)


A tarefa cultural de uma “tomada de consciência filosófica e nocional da realidade técnica” deve portanto ser superada numa prova existencial da qual todo ser humano deveria participar, aquela de “se situar particularmente na rede técnica” (MEOT, p.228), na qual cada um experimentaria participar de uma série de processos indissociavelmente humanos e maquínicos. (Combes 1999:116)


[Q]uando acionado conforme sua essência, isto é, não como uma mídia [moyen], ferramenta ou utensílio, mas como um sistema que funciona e que se inscreve numa rede de máquinas às quais ele está ligado, o objeto técnico se torna o lugar de uma nova relação com a natureza, não mais relação de utilização mediada pelo organismo do indivíduo humano, mas relação de acoplagem imediata do pensamento humano com a natureza. (Combes 1999:125)


É significativo que, no momento de concluir sua obra sobre a técnica, Simondon insiste sobre a necessária constituição de um modo transindividual de relação com a técnica para poder apreender os objetos técnicos naquilo que neles existe de pré-individual sedimentado. Mas isso se compreende sem dificuldade se for verdade que é apenas no seio do coletivo transindividual que se pode construir uma relação desalienada com os objetos técnicos, isto é, um uso de máquinas adequado à potência de amplificação da rede técnica contemporânea. (Combes 1999:127-8)


[O] que pode a tecnicidade como rede amplificadora ainda está por inventar. […] É mérito de Simondon haver visto que a técnica como rede já constitui um meio que condiciona o agir humano. Mesmo nesse meio, trata-se de inventar novas formas de fidelidade à natureza transdutiva dos seres, vivos ou não, e de novas modalidades transindividuais de amplificação do agir. (Combes 1999:128)

Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas (IFCH) da Universidade Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP).
Grupo de Pesquisa Conhecimento, Tecnologia e Mercado (CTeMe).


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